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Party List PR
There are two different types of Party List-PR, Closed List and Open List.
Party List PR

How does Party List-PR work?

There are two different types of Party List-PR, Closed List and Open List.

In both cases parties present lists of candidates and seats are awarded according to their party’s share of the vote. This is usually done using an electoral formula or a quota which prevents too many small parties from winning seats.
Where is Party List PR used?

• British elections to the European Parliament (excluding Northern Ireland)
• Israel's Parliament, the Knesset.
• The Netherlands' Second Chamber.


Open List: Voters choose individual candidates from the list provided by each party and individual candidates are elected according to the popular vote.

Closed List: Voters vote for the party and therefore the list as a whole. Candidates are elected in the order they appear on the list (as decided by the party) until all the seats have been filled.

Semi-open lists: This gives voters some influence over who is elected, but most of the candidates will be elected in list order.

Pros and cons of Party List PR

The case for

The arguments against

Party-list systems guarantee a high degree of party proportionality.

Closed party lists are completely impersonal, weakening any link between the representative and a regional area.

Every vote has equal value.

Closed party lists offer very little in the way of voter choice: all the power, save that of choosing a party for government, resides with the party leaders.

It couldn't be simpler: voters have to make one choice out of a small selection.

As candidates are selected by the party leaders, they are likely to put 'safe' candidates near the top of the list, at the expense of traditionally under-represented groups.

List systems tend to involve large multi-member constituencies, which give more opportunities for women and minority groups to gain representation.

Also with Closed party lists parties can stifle independent and minority opinion within their ranks. As all the power over who gets seats lies with the party machine, so too does the power to voice opinions.

Open lists offer voters more choice and control over who is elected

Part lists discriminate against those not willing to be part of the party structure, and it is impossible to stand as an independent candidate

Closed lists are more amenable to measures that can increase the representation of women, such as gender quotas.

Highly proportional systems with minimal thresholds can result in a fragmented parliament, and produce unstable, multi-party governments.


Recent News
22 May 2013

 Today we've welcomed news that BBC Scotland is to set aside an extra £5 million for dedicated coverage of the 2014 Independence Referendum.

 

We are now looking at a team of 50 tasked with providing coverage and encouraging debate at national and local level - and online.

 

Over 4 million registered voters will make a decision on the future of their country in 2014 – and £1.25 per head seems a small price to pay for a proper debate. We now have a much better chance of the 2014 referendum being an example of excellence in democratic practice.  

 

The importance of the vote on Scottish Independence in 2014 is beyond doubt. But it is unclear if voters will have the information they need to make an informed decision.

 

The two campaigns will offer us soundbites, ‘confusion marketing’ and attack ad politics. Voters deserve better.

 

It has long been the job of the public service broadcasters to see beyond the hyperbole of professional political campaigners. This funding should be used for high quality, ethical journalism to achieve just that.

16 May 2013

Today a new bill lands in parliament today, courtesy of Labour's Alan Whitehead, Lib Dem Lord Tyler and Conserative Andrew Tyrie.
 
It deserves attention – because it offers a sensible, cross party approach to party funding.
 
This bill puts pay to the myth that cross-party solution to party funding isn’t possible. Caps on spending and donations are the only logical response to the electoral arms race.

 

This week’s figures show how reliant the parties have become on a dwindling number of big donors. Electoral Commission estimates for the first quarter of 2013 show Labour received over £1.5 million from John Mills, founder of home shopping company JML Direct, while Conservatives received £500,000 a piece from the wife of a former arms dealer, and the Chief Executive of head of mining conglomerate Xstrata.  And it’s only natural for the public to question their motives.

 

That policies are not for sale should be beyond doubt. We have reached an impasse because our political class only seem to be motivated by their own bank balances. They need to understand that delay has a price – and that’s public trust in politics.

 

This week the Times went suggested that Labour drop two policies in order to attract corporate funding.  This was breath-taking. Political parties should base their manifestos on their vision for how the United Kingdom could be – not leave it to the highest bidder.  Support or rejection of a policy programme should rest on strength at the ballot box, not the depth of donors’ pockets.

 

An open, clean and fair model of funding the parties would give taxpayers far better value for money.  It would ensure our politicians don’t have to dance to the tune of trusts, union bosses or City interests

 

We cannot wait for the next scandal. All the parties have been tainted by party funding. Party leaders need to take this opportunity break the deadlock, and break the hold of big money on our politics.
 

14 May 2013

Following the county council elections we've been hearing a lot about 'None of the Above'.
 
The IPPR recently flagged None of the Above – or NOTA - as a part of their plan to boost youth turnout - making voting for under 24s compulsory, but ensuring there's an option for first time voters to register their disdain for the candidates on offer.
 
The Greeks have the ‘white’ option on their ballot; the US State of Nevada has ‘None of these candidates’. Spain and Columbia have the voto en blanco. Russia abolished it in 2006. Bangladesh introduced it in 2008. And Pakistani voters would have had the option in last weeks’ general election had their electoral commission not rejected it.
 
NOTA’s younger brother RON may be familiar to those well versed in student politics (for those that aren’t that’s Re Open Nominations). But should the rest of the UK sign up? We've seen petitions and campaigns springing up and we want to see what our supporters think.
 
So what are the arguments?
 
The upside. Well we might get a measure of political disenchantment in Britain.
 
We won't have to speculate about what kept people at home. Nearly 16 million potential voters passed on the 2010 general election, and that should concern us all. The logic is that turnout would increase if those turned off by the parties are given a chance to express their view.
 
The downside? Shouldn't elections be a positive statement? Will what's been billed as the 'ultimate protest vote' do anything to bridge the growing gap between people and politics? Isn't this all a bit, well, anti-politics?
 
Where NOTA is an available option the limited evidence to hand suggests it isn’t widely used - it’s populists and hard left and right parties that remain the main beneficiaries of protest votes.
 
And there are a lot of unknown quantities.
 
What would happen in the event of a NOTA victory is unclear. Should the seat remain vacant? Would voters get the candidates they were pining for?
 
We'll leave that to you. Give us your view in the comments box below.

 

13 May 2013

"How could I make a decision? I didn't receive any leaflets"

 

That seemed to be a common complaint from the 2013 County Council Elections. We’ve conducted a string of interviews for local radio where many voters seemed to feel they didn’t see an election.
 
Well if you didn’t hear from the parties it’s because your vote doesn’t matter.
 
In local elections under First Past the Post there are two kinds of voter:  those in safe wards, that parties can take for granted, and those in marginal wards that can tip the balance. A handful of addresses in a handful of wards can mean the difference between victory and defeat, and those golden voters can expect leaflets en masse, door knocking, phone calls – the full monty of election campaigning.
 
So fresh from an interview for BBC Oxfordshire we thought we see what this meant for leaflets – and voters - in one county.
 
The Conservatives lost control of Oxfordshire Council – but where was this battle fought? Well it wasn’t in the Conservative heartlands in east and west (you can add the north of the county to the list with the exception of Banbury). It wasn’t fought in the Labour strongholds in the City of Oxford. And the battleground wasn’t the handful of Lib Dem bastions in commuter towns around the city.
 
297,000 voters were unlucky enough to live in these safe wards – that’s 59% of the total electorate.
 
If you wanted to see leaflets then the centre of Oxford was the place to be – a battleground heavily contested by the centre left.  Lib Dems, Labour and Greens out in force – and lots of competition means lots of literature. Banbury saw leaflets galore as it went from blue to red, and several wards bordering Oxford tightly contested between Lib Dems and Conservatives wouldn’t have been short of a few copies of Focus.  Some 204,000 golden voters in Oxfordshire’s marginals were getting all the attention.
 

 
Just take a look over on Election leaflets to see the difference. This site has been crowdsourcing the material that’s been landing on our mats for years.  And it paints a compelling picture of the two kinds of elections voters see in this country.
And it’s as much quality as quantity. There are the full colour glossies received by wards in contention and the grim risographed efforts of paper candidates. And most tellingly of all there are the missing leaflets from parties that aren’t prepared to engage with potential supporters in no-go areas – or even their own voters in their safe wards.
 
Pop in a postcode for central Oxford and you’ll be spoiled for choice. Check out a postcode for the Eastern fringe of the county, and you’ll be lucky to see anything.
 
Don’t get us wrong, this behaviour is entirely logical. With limited resources parties will put all their effort in the handful of places where it might make a difference.
 
But that’s the logic of First Past the Post. All voters deserve to be part of a debate on the future of their community – but that debate isn’t happening in most of Oxfordshire – or indeed in most of the country.
 
Fair votes for local elections in Scotland have meant the parties can’t get away from engaging with their electorate because all votes matter. It isn’t possible to deem any ward as ‘in the bag’. It means voters are on the receiving end of more debate, and dare we say it, more leaflets.
Voters in Oxfordshire deserve the same deal.
 
If you didn’t hear from the parties in the local elections we want to hear from you www.electoral-reform.org.uk/rottenboroughs
 
Still hanging onto leaflets? Upload them to www.electionleaflets.org